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Haansori: Culture, Language, and Social Relationships
By XXXXX XXXX
It is a chilly Sunday afternoon and the sky is already turning a little darker as I approach the Pembroke Field House. Even from a block away, I can begin to hear the familiar beat of the percussion – the low, rumbling bass of the buk travels furthest, followed by the high-pitched, shrill noise of the kwenggari. When I enter the building, I am greeted by a large circle of students, each seated cross-legged on the carpeted floor behind his or her instrument. The building is poorly insulated, but people are wearing short-sleeved shirts and look quite warm. In fact, samulnori is quite a physically rigorous routine, and the energy and heat is almost visible in the otherwise chilly field house. I can sense the energy and the heat in the otherwise frigid room. As I get comfortably seated, the head kwenggari player clangs on his instrument to quiet everyone down. “Let’s try the Youngnam jangdahn one more time,” he says, and instantly, all eyes focus on him awaiting his signal to begin the run-through.
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Hansori is a musical ensemble group here at Brown, dedicated to the learning and performing of samulnori, or traditional Korean percussion ensemble of four different instruments. The name “Hansori” is a combination of two words, han (one) and sori (sound), and signifies the creation of a unified sound through the collaboration of each individual player. At present, Hansor consists entirely of Korean students. Out of the 23 official members on the roster, three identify themselves as Korean American (KA) and the rest as Korean Internationals (KI). The group is open to non-Korean students as well, and there have been several members of different cultural backgrounds in the past.
There are several key terms and concepts that are crucial to the understanding of this ethnography. First, the sunhoobae dynamic refers to a traditional Koran social hierarchy in which a sunbae (someone who is higher in terms of age grade) leads and looks after the hoobae (someone who is lower in terms of age grade), who in turn treats the sunbae with respect. An overlapping but distinct concept is that of unni, nuna, oppa, and hyung. While the first two literally mean “older sister” and the last two “older brother,” these terms are generally used towards people who are older than oneself regardless of kinship. Simply put, while sunbae and hoobae are markers of age grade, unni etc. are markers of age. In addition, a unique aspect about the Korean language is that there are two distinct form of speech. Jondetmal, or the honorific form, is used towards people who are of a higher pecking order. Banmal is the casual form, and is used exclusively to people one feels most comfortable with and/or superior to.
The goal of this ethnography is to explore the sunhoobae dynamic in the specific context of Hansori. Initially, I aimed to focus on how the Korean language affects social relationships. I hypothesized that language plays a primary role in shaping social relationships, and in order to test this hypothesis, I interviewed both Korean Americans and Korean international students to compare and contrast their approaches to their sunbaes. Through this research, I discovered that while language plays an important role, other factors – such as primary and secondary socialization, as well as the musical component of the group Hansori – also influences the way members form and maintain their relationships with one another.
Related Research
Anthropologists and linguists have long noted the importance of language in social life. As John B. Thompson (2002) observes, “every linguistic interaction . . . bears the traces of the social structure that it both expresses and helps to reproduce (p.2). In particular, scholars have been especially interested in code-switching, or the concurrent use of multiple languages, and how speakers choose which language to use in which situations. It is worth noting code-switching need not involve two different languages, but can also take place with multiple strands of one language (Hymes 30). This is the case with the honorific and casual forms of Korean – although there is only one language involved, different social circumstances call for different forms of Korean. Recently, with more Korean and Korean-American scholars taking interest in the field of sociolinguistics and linguistic anthropology, there has been an increasing amount of research done precisely on this topic. M. Ages Kang’s (2006) study of Korean-Americans’ approach to the sunhoobae hierarchy is a particularly instructive example. In this research, Kang addresses how Korean culture delineates social relationships in context of age and power, and how this practice is perpetuated through the use of language (p. 300).
Personal background
I was born and raised in Korea for the first fourteen years of my life and enrolled in a boarding school in New Hampshire as a freshman in high school. Since then, I have been studying in the United States for over six years. I consider myself fairly well-versed in both Korean and American cultures and do not fall neatly into either categories of KI or KA Because of my background, I believe I can be less partial in the way I compare and contrast Korean international and Korean American approaches to social relationships. Also, because this is a cultural crossroad that I am familiar with, it is an issue that I feel genuinely passionate and curious about. During research, my personal insights and experiences have helped me navigate my interviews more effectively. On the other hand, my being a new transfer student at Brown was both and advantage and a drawback because I had little pre-existing information or biases about the individuals that I interviewed.
Method
First, I conducted participant-observation by attending and/or participating in several rehearsals throughout the semester (see Appendix for field notes). I looked for patterns of behavior, especially with regards to social interactions among individual members. In addition, I conducted interviews with the 23 official members on the roster, as well as 5 non-members or prospective members of the group. The questions were open-ended and allowed room for both personal and impersonal responses, so that respondents could modify their responses depending on their level of comfort. Every interview was conducted on a one-to-one, person-to-person basis. Due to the way in which I conducted my interviews, I was able to modify and/or improvise questions based on the individual’s responses. Every conversation lasted at least 20 minutes, most of them ranging from 30 to 54 minutes, and several were over and hour long. The interviews were recorded verbatim and typed into a computer as the interview took place. However, since most respondents are more comfortable in Korean (not a single interviewee responded entirely in English), I had to translate all the interviews.
Findings
Based on my interviews and fieldwork, I observed a clear (although by no means antagonistic) divide between the Korean international community and the Korean American community here at Brown. For instance, every KI student I interviewed was more comfortable with Korean and most of our conversation took place in Korean. In contrast, the KA students spoke mostly in English, interrupted by several Korean words or phrases only when there were no satisfying English equivalent. Also, every KI student I interviewed expressed familiarity and a high level of compliance with the traditional sunhoobae hierarchy, while the KA students confided that they were less comfortable with the dynamic. There are sacral factors that account for this difference: language, socialization and the element of music.
Language
As I had hypothesized, research confirmed that language is certainly and important factor in shaping social relationships. Most significantly, there was a correlation between the form of Korean used (jondetmal or banmal) and the level of intimacy and closeness that people felt. Almost every respondent noted that using jondetmal creates a sense of barrier, because it makes the speaker more cautious of what they are saying. “With people I use jondetmal to, I pause and think at least once more before I say something,” one interviewee says. Another echoes this comment, claiming that she “cannot really become close” with people she uses jondetmal with, because “there is a line that you can’t cross.” Conversely, the use of banmal bring people closer, because “when you use banmal, you feel more comfortable talking to them, and because the way you talk becomes more relaxed, you feel more like friends.” To this, another students adds, “you can joke around, be playful, and be more honest when you’re using banmal.” However, some questioned the causal relationship between the two. A senior majoring in philosophy inquires, “do you use banmal with those you already feel close with? Or do you become closer because you are using banmal? I’m not sure which comes first.” The overall consensus is that there is a reciprocal relationship between the use of banmal and the level of intimacy – there needs to be at least a certain degree of closeness between individuals for them to switch from jondetmal to banmal, and in turn, this decision helps them feel even closer to one another.
There is also a difference in the Korean and English approaches to the sunhoobae dynamic. When addressing sunbaes in Koreans, one usually resorts to jondetmal. On the other hand, when talking to sunbaes in English, there is no honorific equivalent. Thus, when using English, people view the relationship as more egalitarian and “peer-to-peer” rather than hierarchical. For instance, one freshman said that although he recognizes older KA students as sunbaes, he “cannot express respect the same way” as he does with sumbaes that he speaks Korean with During this particular interview, several Korean students walked by. While the freshman bowed to a KI sophomore and greeted him in a respectful manner, he waved and exchanged playful banters with a KA senior. His behavior is not an anomaly – a Korean American student also reports that his relationship with English-speaking sunbaes and Korean-speaking sunbaes are quite different. “I wave to the KA sunbaes and just say ‘hi,’ but I bow and use jondetmal to the KI sunbates,” he sais. Thus, the fact that English lacks an honorific form impacts the way students distinguish their relationships with KA and KI sunbaes.
It is also worth exploring what the sunbaes think about the use of jondetmal. Older students felt that when someone uses jondetmal to them, it imbues them with a sense of responsibility towards the speaker. One junior explains, “when hoobaes use jondetmal to me, I’m inclined to feel a sense of obligation, and feel like I need to look after them.” In fact, this is a crucial component of the suhoobae dynamic – for the sunbaes to take care of the hoobaes. Many KI students claim that they feel more of a connection to the Korean international community precisely because of this component. “When I look at a KA hoobae, it’s like he’s just some other guy that I know. But if someone joins KISA [Korean International Student Association] I feel like I need to take care of that person,” one sophomore explains. “And because I feel that cultural sense of duty to take care of him, it is easier to become closer.”
Role of Socialization
Interviews and fieldwork revealed a marked difference between the Korean American respondents and the Korean International respondents that could not be explained by language alone. It appears that in addition to language, socialization also plays a significant role in shaping social relationships. For instance, the Korean American students who were first exposed to the sunhoobae culture here at Brown, say that they had a difficult time adjusting. “It was really hard my first year. I was really uncomfortable with using jondetmal with people who were only a year older than me,” one student confides. He adds, “Honestly, I think if you’re within a couple of years difference, I don’t see why you have to use jondetmal.” Another student who shares a similar experience went as far as to describe her first month as a “shit show,” because she could not understand why the Korean international community was so hierarchical.
In stark contrast, students who spent most of their formative years in Korea report the opposite. This is most evident among students who have lived in Korea all of their lives and left for the first time to attend Brown. In trying to explain why the sunhoobae is so prevalent in Korea, many referred to the overarching Confucian emphasis on social hierarchy. “It’s a fundamental part of Korean culture,” one student muses. “So I guess that’s just what I’m used to.” He continues on to cite an extreme manifestation of egalitarianism as his “biggest culture shock” when he first arrived in the States. “The dean was reprimanding this kid for something, I don’t even remember, and the kid started yelling and talking back. I had never seen something like that before,” he recounts. “People don’t do that kind of thing in Korea.”
As the president of Hansori observes, there is a difference even among the Korean international students in the way they approach the sunhoobae system, depending on the timing of their arrival to the States. There exists a third group – a group with which I associate myself the most strongly – of students who are technically Korean international but have spent much more time in the United States. We occupy a liminal space between the Korean international and the Korean American communities. Although we are fluent in both languages, the fact that our primary socialization took place in Korea and our secondary socialization in the States puts us in a complex and ambivalent position. A junior who first came to study in California six years ago explains that back in Korea, because of the dominant culture, she “really felt” a sense of respect when she addressed her sunbaes. In other words, back in Korea, her expression of respect through the use of jondetmal was authentic. However, her own perceptions have changed during adolescence. While she continues to use jondetmal towards sunbaes here in the States, she now senses a “performative aspect” to her interactions with them.
The Element of Music
The unique nature of the group Hansori – the fact that it is a specialized musical group – adds another layer to the way social relationships are formed. “Usually, when sunbaes tell hoobaes to do something, their authority is kind of arbitrary,” one student explains. “But in Hansori, sunbaes teach hoobaes and pass on their skills, their knowledge, their experiences. So the feeling of respect is more intensified and genuine, because the sunbaes are good at something that the hoobaes aren’t capable of. “Another student, who attended a fine arts high school in Korea, also notes the importance of music. “I think in art, there is this sense of pulling up from above,” she muses. When asked to elaborate, she ponders for a minute. “Whether it’s a dance, or painting, or music, it really matters which sunbae you learn from and you become the closest to. Because art is really subjective, and their influence is reflected in your work.”
In addition, participating in an ensemble inevitably brings people closer, compared to other types of organizations. Most importantly, as the name of the group suggests, there is a huge emphasis within Hansori on playing and performing in unity. If even one person makes a mistake or does not play up to par, it can cause a breach in the group’s harmony. “Nobody wants to be that one person. You feel really bad,” one student says. As a result, all members put forth their best efforts. This stands in stark contrast to the way students participate in other groups – for instance, KISA activities revolves around the mixing and mingling with other students. However, in Hansori, there is pressure for every single person to try and perform their best, so this creates a heightened feeling of unity and connection. This may account for why Hansori members seem very intimate and close with one another, something a non-member notes with a hint of envy.
Conclusion
From this research emerged three elements that contribute to the formation of social relationships within Hansori and also the broader Korean community at Brown. Findings from this ethnography highlight the importance of socialization, both primary and secondary. In learning how to become integrated and full-fledged members of our society, we learn the cultural rules, whether it is egalitarianism in America or social hierarchy in Korea. The subject also engages the debate of universality. Evident from this research, the nature of social relationships is not universal. On the contrary, the ways in which we form and experience social relationships are largely dictated by culture.
Although I had initially expected language as the most critical factor, my interviews and fieldwork convinced me that socialization and music also figure into the equation. Additionally, other very interesting patterns manifested themselves throughout my fieldwork and interviews, including gender differences in the approach to social hierarchy, Korean-American cultural conflict and negotiation and Korean-English code-switching, to name but a few. Unfortunately, I was not able to cover everything in this ethnography. It is my hope that this project will serve as a starting point for more research to follow.
Works Cited
Chase, Sarah A. (2009) Perfectly Prep: Gender Extremes at a New England Prep
School. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
Erchak, Gerald M. (1992) The Anthropology of Self and Behavior. New Brunswick:
Rutgers University Press.
Hymes, Dell (2003) “Models of the Interaction and Social Life.” Sociolinguistics:
The Essential Readings. Ed Christina Bratt Paulston and G. Richard Tucker.
Maiden: Blackwell Publishing. 33-47.
Kang, M. Agnes. (2003) “Negotiating Conflict within the Constraints of Social
Hierarchies in Korean American Discourse.” Journal of Sociolinguistics, 7.3, 299-320.
Thompson, John B. (1991) Introduction. Language and Symbolic Power. By Pierre
Bordieu. Cambridge: Harvard University Press. 1 – 31.
APPENDIX A - Glossary of Terms
APPENDIX B - Interview Questions
APPENDIX C - Field Notes